Proposals for US National Health Insurance

Universal Health Insurance—Let the Debate Resume

Rashi Fein, PhD

JAMA. 2003;290:818-820.

The article by The Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance1 in this issue of THE JOURNAL should re-energize the much needed debate on universal health insurance. More than 40 million Americans lack health insurance2 and nearly 60 million are without health insurance for a portion of the year.3 Employers face rising health insurance premiums, and their employees face increasing cost-sharing. There are ongoing and increasing disagreements about health benefits coverage. Physicians, hospital administrators, home health agency financial officers, and others are increasingly frustrated with the confusion and inefficiencies of the current multiple payment mechanisms. In these fiscally troubled times, state legislators are having difficulty finding funds to support Medicaid and free-care pools. Clearly, there must be a "simpler and better way."

Proposals for and debates surrounding universal health insurance certainly are not new. It has now been a decade since President Clinton put forth his Health Security Plan for universal insurance, some 30 years since President Nixon proposed his Comprehensive Health Insurance Program, and more than 5 decades since President Truman failed to get his proposed program enacted.4

Today, the issue of universal health insurance remains on the agenda because policymakers have been unable to reach agreement on what that "simpler and better way" is, and consequently have failed to act. Some might deny the dimensions of the problem, arguing that the uninsured receive free care at US hospitals and charity care from many of the nation's physicians. They know the proportion of US citizens who lack health insurance or are underinsured but cannot believe that translates into less care.5 Furthermore, some might argue that "the others" (ie, the uninsured) brought health problems on themselves by their lifestyles: if "they" would eat less, smoke less, drink less, and exercise more, they would need less medical care.

Nevertheless, most Americans agree that the various reports documenting disparities in access and in health care, ie, those disparities related to insurance status, are compelling. Most Americans agree that they would not want to be uninsured or underinsured. Furthermore, most Americans are disturbed when they read that their physicians are pressed to work harder and faster even as their incomes decline, and most Americans believe that something has to be done about health care.6

Failure of the Clinton Administration's effort to reform the health care system served to virtually eliminate discussion of universal health insurance from the US public policy agenda. This attempt to expand insurance was quite different from the debate about Medicare. That effort was sustained over almost a 10-year period (1957-1965) during which the American public and its legislators came to understand the "problem" and the various ways that persons across the political spectrum, from Senator Taft to Senator Anderson, preferred to solve it. The bill that was finally enacted represented a major improvement over the measure that was first submitted. That improvement was, in part, the result of educational efforts that engaged all protagonists and the public at large and, in part, because of agreement that elderly persons faced real problems in obtaining health insurance and that government had to find a solution—either through the public sector, the private sector, or, as it turned out, some combination of the two.

Conversely, when the Clinton effort failed, there was no agreement that government was required to find an answer and skepticism that it was wise enough to do so. There were no sustained educational efforts that continue into the present. Yet, from the perspective of the uninsured and the insured with higher cost-sharing, employers and governments with severe budgetary obligations, and physicians and other health care professionals, the problems have worsened and the valuable dollars spent trying to administer the dysfunctional system have increased.

For these reasons, the article by the Physicians' Working Group is particularly important. Whether one agrees or disagrees with the approach that nearly 8000 physicians and medical students have endorsed, this group has provided a considerable service by fanning the almost extinguished spark called universal health insurance. Perhaps the most noteworthy aspect of this article is that by offering its approach, the Physicians' Working Group issues a challenge: those who reject its "solution" are challenged to present its own, better and stronger one as a replacement. Thus, it will not suffice simply to dismiss the Physicians' Working Group solution as unworkable. The American health care system and American society face a real problem and are compelled to search for an answer.

The Physicians' Working Group proposal has the virtue of simplicity. For instance, Louise, from the well-known "Harry and Louise" advertisements against the Clinton proposal, might still say that there is a better way, but she could not complain that she cannot understand how the single-payer proposal would work. Indeed, she and tens of millions of Americans need only refer to Medicare to get the broad picture of the proposed "single-payer national health insurance," an expanded and strengthened "Medicare-for-all" system.

The proposal also has the (not unrelated) advantage of administrative efficiency. Enrollment would no longer be related to employment (as with most private insurance) or income status (as with Medicaid). Similar to Medicare for those older than 65 years, the plan would reflect a "once enrolled, always enrolled" approach. Similarly, on the payment side of the ledger, a single rather than a set of multiple payers would reduce the administrative load on individual practitioners and hospitals. All patients would have the same broad coverage, and all payments would come from a single source. Not surprisingly, even as President Clinton rejected this approach, he indicated that this (Canadian-like) way of doing things would save millions of dollars.7

The proposal has numerous other features, one of which, although extraordinarily difficult to attain, would help return medicine to its earlier honored status—the elimination of for-profit institutions and the corporatization of medicine and return to the broad-based not-for-profit community hospital and prepaid group practice. America's physicians have never looked to government as their savior. However, while they were guarding their flanks against "big government" and its power, they were blind-sided by employers who discovered they could bargain with insurers over benefits and premiums, by insurers who—responding to employers—exercised control over issues of productivity, requiring more "output" at lower reimbursement, and by managed care organizations who organized delivery systems that tried to preempt the physician's independence and exercise of clinical judgment. Although American medicine may fear government's exercise of arbitrary power, government is accountable. The real danger lies in the faceless, inexorable, profit-motivated market, an institution from which there is no appeal.

Yet, the single-payer approach was rejected by President Clinton even as he spoke about its advantages. Similarly, others who believe that this "Medicare for all" system is the most efficient and most equitable answer have sought and moved to other alternatives. Why have they done so? Is it because there is a yet unmentioned weakness in the Physicians' Working Group proposal? Is it because some other alternative is inherently better?

While some "dangers" are inherent in the proposal, these dangers most likely can be met by the exercise of democracy. If the money that fuels the system flows through government, it means that government may choose to spend too little and then try to compensate for that shortfall by reducing reimbursements, classifying drugs and procedures as "experimental" and not reimbursable, and engaging in other "shenanigans" designed to shift responsibility to others for the queues for appointments, decline in quality of nursing care, lack of capital investment, and so forth that may occur. That outcome is as true in medicine as it is in every facet of US society, including education, highways, national parks, bioterrorism defense, and the like. The ballot box is the answer. Given the dollars that now enter into election campaigns and the low voter turnout, that may not be an especially strong rod. Even so, it is a stronger rod to lean on and is likely to be more effective than an appeal to the kindness and generosity of the market that, in a quest for profits, may also "underspend."

A second "problem" with the proposal is that it calls for a massive restructuring of the flow of dollars in the system. There is little doubt that this would affect labor-management negotiations and long-existing arrangements by which the money entering the system now flows. These matters can be managed, but there is no way around a single-payer approach requiring an increase in taxes. Although these taxes would substitute for existing premiums and out-of-pocket payments, they would be new and visible. It is clear, therefore, that such a proposal would require sustained efforts at education, strong leadership, and patience.

Thus, the compelling reason this Medicare-like approach (which was taken very seriously in the late 1960s and early 1970s) has failed to receive political support in recent years does not lie in its analytical strengths or weaknesses, but elsewhere. The rejection comes because of a widely held view that the single-payer approach is too radical in that it simply is too much for the political system to handle, and therefore would never pass.

This is not a position that can be dismissed lightly. In recent years the US political system has provided little evidence of its ability to handle major comprehensive legislation. The electorate and the Congress are closely divided, and the days of true bipartisanship that operated under a slogan of "come let us reason together" seem to have been replaced (at least, temporarily) by a certain mean spiritedness that does not search for compromise, but advantage. There is little agreement that government has to find (or be part of) an answer to the health insurance problem. It hardly seems to be a time for more than incrementalism (at best) and, most assuredly, that is not what a single-payer system is.

But Medicare took almost a decade to be enacted into law, and it is reasonable to argue that any comprehensive reform not only will, but should, take time—time for the nation to be educated, time for improvements in specifications to be offered, time for alternatives to be discussed, and time for defensible cost estimates and financing implications to be developed. Time is also needed to examine the principles, aims, and objectives of the single-payer proposal and consider whether those goals are attainable through other methods that trade off efficiency for political acceptability.

Now is the time to reopen that discussion. The members of the Physicians' Working Group have done their job by raising the issue of national health insurance once again. Those who like their proposal should join with them. Those who do not should develop and propose something better, more effective, and with fewer untoward side effects. No one should sit back and bemoan the existing state of affairs. The "health care mess" is too real for anyone to ignore it.


AUTHOR INFORMATION

 


Corresponding Author and Reprints: Rashi Fein, PhD, Department of Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School, 641 Huntington Ave, Boston, MA 02115 (e-mail: rashi_fein@hms.harvard.edu ).

Editorials represent the opinions of the authors and THE JOURNAL and not those of the American Medical Association.

Author Affiliation: Department of Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Mass.

To the Editor: The Physicians' Working Group1 pointed out many potential medical, economic, and societal benefits of NHI. For the estimated 45% of the US population with chronic conditions (21% with multiple chronic illnesses),2 those who provide their care, and those who pay for it, there is one more: the administrative data on prevalence and incidence of chronic medical conditions that would result from an NHI system.

It is currently impossible to accurately quantify the burden of chronic illness affecting future Medicare enrollees. Those who receive care do so from a large number of sources, and some do not receive care at all. One by-product of a single-payer system would be more accurate information with which to allocate medical resources for this rapidly growing segment of the population, which will require large amounts of medical services. This type of registry information is already available in many European countries and facilitates the study of the burden of illness affecting those populations.

Such a registry would also be able to identify populations unaffected by chronic illness. From a public health and prevention standpoint, accurate knowledge of the burden of disease affecting different segments of the population would facilitate the development of population-level interventions designed to promote health in addition to treating disease.

Elizabeth A. Bayliss, MD, MSPH
Clinical Research Unit
Kaiser Permanente
Denver, Colo

1. The Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. Proposal of the Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. JAMA. 2003;290:798-805. ABSTRACT/FULL TEXT

 

2. Chronic Conditions: Making the Case for Ongoing Care. Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Partnership for Solutions; 2002.

 

JAMA. 2003;290:2799.
***********************************************************

To the Editor: Dr Woolhandler and colleagues, on behalf of the Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance,1 argued for the establishment of single-payer national health insurance (NHI). Details of their proposal—to require that physicians negotiate a binding fee schedule, prohibit hospital expansions and capital purchases, eliminate the health insurance industry, and require employers to transfer money earmarked for health benefits to the NHI program—represent the antithesis of freedom, choice, and private enterprise, the very hallmarks of American society.

Single-payer, government-run health care cannot deliver the best medical care that Americans expect and now receive. Inherent problems include detrimental long waits for care, rationing, a slowness to adopt new technology and maintain facilities, and a gigantic bureaucracy that interferes with clinical decision making.

The authors' continual references to the merits of the Canadian health care system contrast sharply with a recent report by Canadian physicians that concludes "we see continued turbulence . . . as a growing portion of Canadians lose patience with health care systems that they perceive as no longer delivering reasonable access to core services."2 Aaron3 has recently described analytic flaws in the analysis of Woolhandler and colleagues of differences between US and Canadian health care administrative costs, which form the basis of their methodology for single-payer national health insurance.

In June 2003, the Chairman of the British Medical Association characterized his nation's single-payer health care system as "the stifling of innovation by excessive, intrusive audit . . . the shackling of doctors by prescribing guidelines, referral guidelines and protocols . . . the suffocation of professional responsibility by target-setting and production-line values that leave little room for the professional judgment of individual doctors or the needs of individual patients."4 His strong words come from long experience with a single-payer health system.

In his Editorial, Dr Fein issued a challenge to those who reject the single-payer "solution"—present a better and stronger one as an option.5 The American Medical Association has a strong and viable solution—one that does not limit the universe of choices and that does not dictate a single-payer system as the only escape from managed care abuses. Our plan builds on current health care strengths and various options to ensure that Americans are covered by health insurance.6

Donald J. Palmisano, MD, JD
President, American Medical Association
Chicago, Ill

1. The Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. Proposal of the Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. JAMA. 2003;290:798-805. ABSTRACT/FULL TEXT

 

2. Detsky AS, Naylor CD. Canada's health care system—reform delayed. N Engl J Med. 2003;349:804-810. FULL TEXT

 

3. Aaron HJ. The costs of health care administration in the United States and Canada—questionable answers to a questionable question. N Engl J Med. 2003;349:801-803. FULL TEXT

 

4. Bogle IG. Speech from the chairman of council, Dr Ian Bogle, CBE [outgoing speech as chairman of the British Medical Association Council. Speech presented at British Medical Association Representative Body Meeting, June 30, 2003, Torquay, England]. Available at: http://www.bma.org.uk/ap.nsf/Content/ARM03chcouncil. Accessibility verified November 6, 2003.

 

5. Fein R. Universal health insurance—let the debate resume. JAMA. 2003;290:818-820. FULL TEXT

 

6. Health insurance reform. American Medical Association Web site. Available at: http://www.ama-assn.org/go/insurance-reform. Accessibility verified November 6, 2003.

 

JAMA. 2003;290:2797.

To The Editor: In response to the Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance,1 I believe that the elimination of private health care would be objectionable in principle. In a free society, the government should not interfere with private transactions for lawful goods and services. If patients want to pay me twice the going rate for a visit or a procedure because they think I am worth it, they should be allowed to do so. Physicians who are better trained or who work harder than their peers should be rewarded with more money if they wish. It is disingenuous to pretend that medicine, alone among all human endeavors, will be free of economic incentives.

I am also concerned that the elimination of private health care would be unpalatable. There is not yet enough support for the idea that every American deserves access to good health care that we can afford to alienate voters with a plan that can be characterized as overweening and unworkable. Although national health insurance may be an idea whose time has come, it does not need to be a monopoly to be effective.

J. Timothy Ames, MD
Valparaiso, Ind

1. The Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. Proposal of the Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. JAMA. 2003;290:798-805. ABSTRACT/FULL TEXT

JAMA. 2003;290:2798.

To the Editor: The proposal of the Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance1 largely ignores the shortcomings of a totally government-controlled health care system. Although the United States may have the most expensive system in the world, we also have the best. To eliminate the private sector smacks of socialism.

As an example of the benefit of competition, a colleague and I founded National Medical Care, Inc, in 1968, which became the world's largest provider of dialysis care. As medical school faculty, we were frustrated by not being able to provide care for patients with chronic kidney failure even though the technology had already been developed. As described by McFeeley,2 we did so because the academic nonprofit community refused to provide care, opting for more "research" instead. Although dialysis clinics eventually would have been established anyway, it would have cost thousands of patient lives and taken several years. The for-profit system has played a pivotal role in providing care to all patients with kidney failure who could benefit, and at a far lower cost than would have been charged by hospitals.2 In the system proposed by the authors, such innovation would be very difficult, if not impossible. Competition is the lifeblood of any capitalistic system, and medicine need not be an exception if the rules are clear and followed.

I also do not understand the authors' disdain for private health care if one is willing and able to pay for it. Their proposal would virtually eliminate a private alternative. Should everyone be driving the same car? Why do people work hard and become successful if they are not able to enjoy the fruits of their labor, especially when it comes to improving their health and that of their loved ones? A certain minimum of care should be provided, but if people want and can pay for more, why not?

Constantine L. Hampers, MD
Nashua, NH

1. The Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. Proposal of the Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. JAMA. 2003;290:798-805. ABSTRACT/FULL TEXT

 

2. McFeeley T. The Price of Access. Nashua, NH: MDL Press; 2001.

 

JAMA. 2003;290:2798.

To the Editor: I am troubled that the Physicians' Working Group1 made no demand for individual responsibility. If health care is a public good, as the authors implied, then it is something that taxpayers pay for continuously, whether they use it or not. Such common public goods include police and fire protection and public sanitation. However, with each of these public goods, there is an explicit understanding of individual responsibilities. For example, although the fire department is there to put out fires in our homes, we have the responsibilty not to purposely start a fire and to have appropriate smoke detectors in our homes and businesses. If medical care becomes a public good, then should we not insist that individuals have responsibilities toward their own health? If we enforce mandates such as smoking cessation, exercise, and weight loss, what would be the punishment for those who do not comply?

In fact, the Physicians' Working Group explicitly rejects this argument by saying that habits and behaviors will not be changed by their approach. Although mandating lifestyle changes might seem overly restrictive, the government has mandated other such restrictions in the past, such as use of motorcycle helments and seatbelts. In addition, the taxation required to implement such a single-payer policy would restrict the freedoms of the taxpayers who would lose the freedom to dispose of their money, since it was taken away from them to pay for national health care. How can the authors argue for restriction of some freedoms but not others?

Vic Velanovich, MD
Department of General Surgery
Henry Ford Hospital
Detroit, Mich

1. The Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. Proposal of the Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. JAMA. 2003;290:798-805. ABSTRACT/FULL TEXT

 

JAMA. 2003;290:2798-2799.

Correction to Woolhandler et al., N Engl J Med 349 (8) 768-775 August 21, 2003.

Previous

Volume 349:2461-2464

 

December 18, 2003

 

Number 25

Next

Costs of Health Care Administration in the United States and Canada

To the Editor: There is little doubt that per capita health care administrative costs are lower in Canada than in the United States, as Woolhandler et al. report (Aug. 21 issue),1 even though the precise magnitude of the gap is open to debate, a point that Aaron makes in his accompanying editorial.2 However, the Canadian single-payer system results in chronic shortages of medical services because of underfunding. The underfunding problem is usually considered to be a separate issue from the single-payer system itself,2 but the very structure of the single-payer system may cause the problem.

In the United States, persons who wish to spend more on health care than the norm have a simple way of doing so: they can purchase premium private medical insurance. Notwithstanding the Medicare prescription-drug plans currently being discussed, it is generally not an option in the United States to increase medical expenditures through the taxation system, given contemporary political and fiscal constraints. In Canada, however, increases in medical expenditures are possible largely only through the taxation system. And even if, as some surveys suggest, most Canadians are willing to spend more on health care,3 taxpayers cannot be sure that any given tax increase will actually go to health care expenditures. Therefore, Canadian taxpayers generally resist tax increases, and underfunding and chronic shortages result.


Jasjeet S. Sekhon, Ph.D.
Harvard University
Cambridge, MA 02138
jasjeet_sekhon@harvard.edu

References

Woolhandler S, Campbell T, Himmelstein DU. Costs of health care administration in the United States and Canada. N Engl J Med 2003;349:768-775.[Abstract/Full Text]

Aaron HJ. The costs of health care administration in the United States and Canada -- questionable answers to a questionable question. N Engl J Med 2003;349:801-803.[Full Text]

Fife R. Most want surplus spent on Medicare, defence: liberal party poll finds overwhelming support for spending. National Post. December 27, 2002.


 
To the Editor: Aaron's commentary on the report by Woolhandler and colleagues is much too dismissive of their work. Tacitly assuming that the Journal is read only by Americans and that "policymakers" means "American policymakers," he probably would dismiss most cross-national studies of health care systems, on the grounds that culture and interest-group politics chain (American) policymakers forever to a health care system that Aaron himself admits is an "administrative monstrosity."

Policymakers beyond America's borders, however, do read the Journal. They are not nearly so constrained by cultural blinders. During the 1990s, for example, Taiwan moved to universal health insurance coverage and opted for a single-payer system, after carefully studying health care systems abroad. Similarly, Canadian policymakers are forever being encouraged by critics to move Canada's health care system closer to the U.S. approach. These foreign policymakers and their policy analysts will find cross-national work on administrative costs highly relevant, quibbles over methodology notwithstanding.


Uwe E. Reinhardt, Ph.D.
Tsung-mei Cheng, L.L.B.
Princeton University
Princeton, NJ 08544
reinhard@princeton.edu


 
To the Editor: Aaron concludes that the article by Woolhandler et al. is an interesting academic exercise but is irrelevant for policy circles. This conclusion is based on the perception that the United States and Canada are very different and that this difference limits the relevance to the United States of the Canadian single-payer system. But the method of health care funding in Canada before it established a single-payer system was similar to that in the United States. It included both voluntary and for-profit insurance; the roles of such insurance were dramatically reduced with the establishment of the single-payer system. Moreover, although one would be politically naive to assume that a country as large as the United States can simply import a foreign model (however similar that country's system may have been to the U.S. system at one time), one would be wrong to assume that the uniqueness of the United States precludes our learning from other countries in designing our system of health care.


Vicente Navarro, M.D., Ph.D.
Johns Hopkins University Bloomberg School of Public Health
Baltimore, MD 21205
vnavarro@jhsph.edu


 
To the Editor: The report on the cost of health care administration in the United States and Canada is inaccurate. Table 3 of the article shows the results of the authors' efforts to tally the number of people enrolled in our health insurance plans, which in 2001 included Uniprise in addition to United Healthcare. They then attempt to calculate the number of people employed per 10,000 enrollees. These calculations are incorrect and misleading to readers. In 2001, United Healthcare and Uniprise combined provided health insurance products to about 16.5 million people, not 8.5 million, as listed in Table 3. At the time, the entire corporation employed 30,000 people. However, only 20,117 were involved in the administration of these products. Therefore, 12.2 employees per 10,000 enrollees should have been reported, not 35.1.

With 21 business units diligently working to provide affordable health services to 50 million Americans, UnitedHealth Group will continue to invest in information technology and efficient business practices that reduce the cost of health care administration. We appreciate this opportunity to correct the record.


Reed Tuckson, M.D.
UnitedHealth Group
Minnetonka, MN 55343


 
The authors reply: As Sekhon points out,
Canada's health care spending is low — 57 percent of the U.S. figure per capita1 — despite universal, nationwide health insurance. Modest differences in net physician income account for little of the cost differential, about 2 percent. However, Canada's frugality has caused shortages of some expensive services. These shortages are overblown in the press, which seldom reports that the rates of most services provided to Canadians — doctor visits, hospital days, immunizations, and even transplantations and hip replacements — are similar to American rates.1 Moreover, the quality of care appears to be similar to that for insured Americans.2

Since the implementation of nationwide health insurance, infant mortality and life expectancy have improved faster in Canada than in the United States.1 Although Canadians may spend too little, they get far better value for their money. A system combining Canadian efficiency and U.S. spending levels, as we have proposed elsewhere,3 would be the world's best.

We disagree with Sekhon that tax-based funding automatically means underfunding. In the United States, government expenditures for health care have expanded faster than private expenditures. Moreover, the government generously supports medical education and research, along with defense contractors and tobacco prices. In Canada, the electorate has recently forced governments to boost health care spending. Government spending can be skimpy or exuberant, depending on who is for it and who is against it.

Navarro and also Reinhardt and Cheng criticize Aaron's political judgment. His economic critique of our methods was also flawed, because it was based on incorrect assumptions about comparative wages. He started from a hypothetical example of a nation with wages 1/10 those in the United States, positing that lower wages (a feature of Canada's system that could not be imported) account for much of Canada's administrative savings. Yet Canada's lower health care prices are not explained by lower wage rates. In 1996 (the latest year for which data are available), the average annual pay of hospital administrative workers in the two nations was virtually identical: $26,807 in Canada and $27,570 in the United States (unpublished analysis of data from the March 1997 U.S. Current Population Survey and the 1996 Canadian Census). Aaron's recalculation of our figures is based largely on his incorrect wage assumption.

Finally, Tuckson calls our attention to errors in Table 3 of our article. The correct enrollment figure for United Healthcare is 16,500,000, putting United Healthcare's number of employees per enrollee at the low end of U.S. insurers, rather than the high end (though still 10 times as high as Canada's provincial plans). Our error derives from our incorrect assumption that a table in UnitedHealth Group's annual report provided complete data on enrollment. In fact, after a recent reorganization, UnitedHealth Group began doing about half of its health insurance business under the Uniprise name.


Steffie Woolhandler, M.D.,
M.P.H.
Cambridge Hospital
Cambridge, MA 02139


Terry Campbell, M.H.A.
Canadian Institutes of Health Research
Ottawa, ON K1A 0W9, Canada


David U. Himmelstein,
M.D.
Harvard Medical School
Boston, MA 02115

References

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. OECD health data 2003. Toronto: Federal Publications, 2003.

Szick S, Angus DE, Nichol G, Harrison MB, Page J, Moher D. Health care delivery in Canada and the United States: are there relevant differences in health care outcomes? Toronto: Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences, June 1999. (Publication no. 99-04-TR.) (Also available at http://www.ices.on.ca/.)

Woolhandler S, Himmelstein DU, Angell M, Young QD. Proposal of the Physicians' Working Group for Single-Payer National Health Insurance. JAMA 2003;290:798-805.[Abstract/Full Text]


 
The editorialist replies: Navarro alleges that the similarity of the prereform Canadian payment system and the current
U.S. payment system indicates that the evolution of policy in the United States could easily follow the same pattern as that in Canada. I believe that this inference is a non sequitur. The fact that the Canadian payment system once resembled ours does not bear on whether the postreform Canadian system is relevant to current U.S. policy debates. The histories of the United States and Canada have many similarities and differences. The operative question is whether conditions in the United States now resemble past conditions in Canada. I think they do not.

Reinhardt and Cheng observe that other nations can learn from the mistakes of the United States. They suggest that my showing that the estimated difference between U.S. and Canadian administrative costs is exaggerated and my argument that today's Canadian institutions for health care administration have little relevance to the current debate about U.S. health care reform means that I think other nations have nothing to learn from the many policy blunders of the United States. This allegation is unfounded. Nothing in my editorial or my other work supports it.

Reinhardt and Cheng also dismiss as a "quibble" my demonstration — based on one of several questionable procedures — that Woolhandler and colleagues overstate the difference between Canadian and U.S. administrative costs by $50 billion, or nearly one third. It is not clear to me just how much larger than $50 billion an error would have to be to graduate from being a "quibble."

Sekhon notes that a single-payer system need not ration care but can be readily used for that purpose. He sees the capacity to ration as a drawback, because rationing causes queues and other distortions. In contrast, I regard the capacity of single-payer plans to ration effectively as a potential virtue. The need to ration care for the well insured is rapidly becoming inescapable in the face of an avalanche of new and costly technology. No system of rationing will be free of distortions, and a single-payer system may do the job well or poorly, depending on how it is organized and run. But creating politically sustainable institutions to ration health care sensibly and compassionately is one of the leading challenges that our nation cannot avoid and has yet to meet.


Henry J. Aaron, Ph.D.
Brookings Institution
Washington, DC 20036-2188
haaron@brookings.edu